Reading comprehension

Q1 · Reading comprehension · MEDIUM

For many years the bicycle was treated in Indian cities as the vehicle of those who could not afford anything better. Planners widened roads for cars and buses, and the cyclist was left to squeeze along the edge of the traffic. Yet the arguments for the bicycle have only grown stronger. It produces no exhaust, takes up a fraction of the road space of a car, costs little to buy and almost nothing to run, and gives its rider daily exercise. The obstacle has never been the bicycle itself but the road around it. People cycle when they feel safe, and they feel safe when they are separated from fast-moving traffic. Cities that have painted a line on the road and called it a cycle track have usually been disappointed: the line is soon covered by parked cars and street stalls. Cities that have built tracks with a physical barrier, and joined them into a network rather than leaving isolated stretches, have seen people return to cycling within a few years. This suggests that the decline of the bicycle was not simply a matter of rising incomes or changing tastes. It was, at least in part, the result of choices about how streets were designed. If that is true, the decline can be reversed by different choices. Which of the following best states the main idea of the passage?

Q2 · Reading comprehension · EASY

For many years the bicycle was treated in Indian cities as the vehicle of those who could not afford anything better. Planners widened roads for cars and buses, and the cyclist was left to squeeze along the edge of the traffic. Yet the arguments for the bicycle have only grown stronger. It produces no exhaust, takes up a fraction of the road space of a car, costs little to buy and almost nothing to run, and gives its rider daily exercise. The obstacle has never been the bicycle itself but the road around it. People cycle when they feel safe, and they feel safe when they are separated from fast-moving traffic. Cities that have painted a line on the road and called it a cycle track have usually been disappointed: the line is soon covered by parked cars and street stalls. Cities that have built tracks with a physical barrier, and joined them into a network rather than leaving isolated stretches, have seen people return to cycling within a few years. This suggests that the decline of the bicycle was not simply a matter of rising incomes or changing tastes. It was, at least in part, the result of choices about how streets were designed. If that is true, the decline can be reversed by different choices. According to the passage, why have painted cycle lanes usually disappointed?

Q3 · Reading comprehension · MEDIUM

For many years the bicycle was treated in Indian cities as the vehicle of those who could not afford anything better. Planners widened roads for cars and buses, and the cyclist was left to squeeze along the edge of the traffic. Yet the arguments for the bicycle have only grown stronger. It produces no exhaust, takes up a fraction of the road space of a car, costs little to buy and almost nothing to run, and gives its rider daily exercise. The obstacle has never been the bicycle itself but the road around it. People cycle when they feel safe, and they feel safe when they are separated from fast-moving traffic. Cities that have painted a line on the road and called it a cycle track have usually been disappointed: the line is soon covered by parked cars and street stalls. Cities that have built tracks with a physical barrier, and joined them into a network rather than leaving isolated stretches, have seen people return to cycling within a few years. This suggests that the decline of the bicycle was not simply a matter of rising incomes or changing tastes. It was, at least in part, the result of choices about how streets were designed. If that is true, the decline can be reversed by different choices. How does the author treat the view that the bicycle declined because of rising incomes and changing tastes?

Q4 · Reading comprehension · HARD

For many years the bicycle was treated in Indian cities as the vehicle of those who could not afford anything better. Planners widened roads for cars and buses, and the cyclist was left to squeeze along the edge of the traffic. Yet the arguments for the bicycle have only grown stronger. It produces no exhaust, takes up a fraction of the road space of a car, costs little to buy and almost nothing to run, and gives its rider daily exercise. The obstacle has never been the bicycle itself but the road around it. People cycle when they feel safe, and they feel safe when they are separated from fast-moving traffic. Cities that have painted a line on the road and called it a cycle track have usually been disappointed: the line is soon covered by parked cars and street stalls. Cities that have built tracks with a physical barrier, and joined them into a network rather than leaving isolated stretches, have seen people return to cycling within a few years. This suggests that the decline of the bicycle was not simply a matter of rising incomes or changing tastes. It was, at least in part, the result of choices about how streets were designed. If that is true, the decline can be reversed by different choices. Which of the following, if true, would most weaken the author's argument?

Q5 · Reading comprehension · EASY

The rapid proliferation of smartphones has fundamentally altered the landscape of urban navigation. For decades, physical maps were the primary tool for travelers, requiring a degree of spatial intuition and patience that many modern commuters lack. Today, however, the average user relies almost exclusively on GPS applications, which offer real-time traffic updates and turn-by-turn directions with an accuracy that few could have imagined a generation ago. This technological shift has not only made travel more efficient but has also subtly reshaped the cognitive map of the city-dweller. Studies suggest that heavy reliance on digital navigation can erode a person's innate sense of direction, a phenomenon often referred to as 'spatial disorientation.' While this may seem like a minor inconvenience, it has broader implications for urban planning and personal autonomy. If individuals can no longer navigate without a screen, they become dependent on the algorithms that dictate their path, potentially missing out on the serendipitous discoveries that occur when one wanders off the intended route. Furthermore, the data generated by these navigation apps is a valuable commodity for corporations, raising significant privacy concerns. Every turn taken, every stop made, and every detour chosen is recorded, creating a detailed profile of an individual's habits and preferences. As we move further into the age of the 'smart city,' where infrastructure responds to the movements of its inhabitants, the balance between convenience and autonomy becomes increasingly precarious. The question is no longer whether we will continue to use these tools, but how we will manage the trade-off between the efficiency they provide and the independence they may undermine. Society must grapple with the ethical dimensions of this dependency, ensuring that technology serves as a guide rather than a director of human experience. According to the passage, what is a significant cognitive consequence of heavy reliance on digital navigation apps?